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93 Pages · 2017 · 1.15 MB
Obesity is a serious health problem worldwide. In the United States, the number
of obese people (defined as BMI>30) has reached epidemic proportions, affecting
approximately one-quarter of the American population. The prevalence of obesity is
increasing worldwide, and the percentage of people who are overweight has steeply risen
more than 30% since 1980 (Bray, 1998). Data from the National Center for Health
Statistics indicate an uneven distribution of obesity, with African-American and Mexican American females most affected (F legal, Carroll, & Kucfzmarski, 1998).
Children and
adolescents are not immune to this epidemic. Data suggest that over 20% of children are
currently overweight, and 30% of these individuals become obese adults later in life.
Excess weight increases the risk of serious medical consequences such as hypertension,
diabetes, coronary heart disease, and some forms of cancer. It has been argued that the
“preponderance of evidence suggests that even mild overweight is probably associated
with some increase in mortality risk" (Solomon, Willett, & Manson, 1995).
In addition to
the tremendous health risks, the financial cost of obesity is staggering. Obesity-related
problems are estimated to cost the United States 39.3 billion dollars annually (Col-ditz,
1998). Given this backdrop, it is not surprising that the study of obesity has received an
increasing amount of attention from local and federal policy-makers, health care
professionals, and researchers.
Despite the well-established relationship between medical risks and obesity, the
relationship between psychological functioning and obesity remains less clear. Common
beliefs implicating psychological distress as a contributing factor in the development of
obesity has not been well supported by research (Hill & Williams, 1998). Several large-
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scale studies, each involving at least 500 subjects, found no consistent evidence to support
the claim that severely obese persons show higher levels of psychopathology than normalweight controls (Moore, Standard, & Srole, 1996; Silverstone, 1968; Hallstrom &
Noppa, 1982; Kittel, Rustin, Dramaix, DeBacker, & Kornitzer, 1978; Hill & Williams,
1998; Stunkard & Wadden, 1992). Wadden, et al. (2001) contend that a substantial
minority of extremely obese patients seeking bariatric surgery present with significant
emotional complications.
Despite the bulk of support indicating a lack of relationship between
psychopathology and obesity, a few studies have demonstrated the opposite, suggesting
the presence of significantly higher levels of depression and anxiety in the obese (Sullivan,
et al, 1993; Goldsmith, et al., 1992). However, many research trials include a high
proportion of treatment-seeking individuals, who demonstrate a higher percentage of
psychopathology, similar to other treatment-seeking medical populations.
Thus, it has
been argued that these clinical samples may be over re presented in the literature, resulting
in a selection bias (Williamson & O’Neil, in press). A review of the literature concluded
that divergent findings were often the result of methodological inconsistencies, and it
would be premature to make firm conclusions regarding the relationship between
psychopathology and obesity (Friedman & Brownell, 1995). A complex association
between obesity and psychopathology appears to exist, and importantly, obese individuals
constitute a heterogeneous population, making it very difficult to draw generalized
conclusions.
A growing body of literature has begun to focus on the experience of body image
in obese populations. There is a converging line of evidence demonstrating that obese
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persons experience a more negative body image when compared to non-overweight
controls. Overall, studies using non-clinical populations show that obese persons,
especially women, report a more negative body image than persons of normal body weight
(Bro die & Sade, 1998; Cash, 1990; Cash, 1994 a; Walden, Foster, Drunkard, & Horowitz,
1989). A negative body image may adversely affect quality of life and impact social and
interpersonal behaviors. For example,
many individuals organize their lifestyle to
accommodate a negative body image by avoiding social situations which may emphasize
their appearance. The clinical implications of a negative body image was observed more
than 30 years ago by the research of Drunkard and Mendelson (1967). In their seminal
work, they concluded that:
“ the body image disturbance takes the form of an overwhelming preoccupation
with one’s obesity, often to the exclusion of any other personal characteristic. It may
make no difference whether the person be also talented, wealthy, or intelligent, his weight
is his only concern and he sees his whole worth in terms of body weight.”
To further illustrate the self-disparagement which often accompanies obesity, Rand
and MacGregor (1991) revealed that not a single patient in a sample who maintained an
average loss of 45 kg for at least 3 years would prefer being obese to being deaf, diabetic,
or having heart disease. These findings provide striking evidence to the powerful nature
of the body image dissatisfaction which can accompany obesity.
However, it is important to again note that a great deal of heterogeneity exists
among obese persons. Thus, body image problems should not be considered as universal.
Rather, it appears individual differences such as a juvenile onset of obesity, presence of a co-morbid disorder, or binge eating may place some individuals at a greater risk for a
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negative body image (Cash, 1990; Cash, 1993; Drunkard & Burt, 1967; Brown ell & Walden, 1992). Those who have been teased by parents and friends, especially during
adolescence, appear to have a stronger disparagement (Walden & Drunkard, 1985). The
identification of factors which may contribute to the development of a negative body
image is an important area of study and will be further addressed in a following section.
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